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Accessing borders, accessing justice?

The European Court of Human Rights’ jurisprudence on pushbacks at land borders

Summary

European state efforts to close and externalize borders have resulted in the widespread use of “pushbacks” across the continent. The irregular handling of people on the move (PoM) in this manner implicates articles 2, 3, and article 4 of Protocol No. 4 ECHR. Yet in N.D. and N.T. v. Spain (2020), the ECtHR turned away from earlier jurisprudence enforcing the prohibition of collective expulsions, introducing a disturbing exception into its analysis based on the “own culpable conduct” of PoM crossing borders irregularly and an apparent analysis of their “access to genuine and effective means of legal entry.” This article explores its following jurisprudence on pushbacks in depth, highlighting the Court’s refusal to engage with the factual nonexistence of access to legal entry at Europe’s borders. It warns that this jurisprudence ultimately exposes PoM to the types of informal treatment to which they are characteristically vulnerable – while affording them less protection.

Zusammenfassung

Die Bemühungen der europäischen Staaten, die Grenzen zu schliessen und zu externalisieren, haben auf dem ganzen Kontinent zu vermehrten «Push-backs» geführt. Diese rechtswidrige Behandlung von Menschen auf der Flucht («People on the move» PoM) verletzt Artikel 2, 3 und 4 des Protokolls Nr. 4 der EMRK. In der Rechtssache N.D. und N.T. gegen Spanien (2020) wandte sich der EGMR jedoch von seiner früheren Rechtsprechung zur Durchsetzung des Verbots von Kollektivausweisungen ab und führte eine beunruhigende Ausnahme in seine Beurteilung ein. Diese stützt sich auf das «eigene schuldhafte Verhalten» von Menschen auf der Flucht, die irregulär die Grenzen überqueren, und einer Analyse ihres «Zugangs zu echten und wirksamen Mitteln der legalen Einreise». Im Beitrag wird die neue Rechtsprechung des EGMR zu Push-backs eingehend untersucht. Dabei wird insbesondere die Weigerung des Gerichtshofs beleuchtet, sich mit der faktischen Nichtexistenz von legalen Einreisemöglichkeiten an den europäischen Grenzen zu befassen. Die Autorinnen warnen davor, dass diese Rechtsprechung Menschen auf der Flucht letztlich der Art von informeller Behandlung aussetzt, für die sie typischerweise anfällig sind – und ihnen gleichzeitig weniger Schutz bietet.

I. Introduction

Over one decade after the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR)’s “ground-breaking” affirmation in Hirsi Jamaa and Others v. Italy that it would scrutinize procedural protections States afforded to non-nationals they returned from their jurisdiction,1 countries across Europe have continued to craft new means of removing people on the move (PoM) from their borders. While European states decided in 2015 to allow free and therefore relatively safe passage for arriving refugees, the European Union Council’s 7 March 2016 decision to effectively end such passage placed a renewed focus on means of preventing entry to the EU altogether.2 A joint statement of EU Heads of State asserted that the renewed application of the Schengen Borders Code and an end to the “wave-through approach” meant that “[i]rregular flows of migrants along the Western Balkans route have now come to an end.”3 The assertion ignored the question of how European states would handle those who continued crossing their borders for lack of alternative, especially those apprehended before being able to register and put forward protection claims or other arguments against expulsion.

Over the last seven years, the answer to this question has manifested primarily through pushbacks. At almost all European borders, this now routine tool of border control is used to handle PoM informally during swift expulsions into neighbouring countries, usually outside any formal legal procedure, without registration or due process, and away from any witnesses and access to support – all so that they cannot claim protection in Europe.4 This widespread practice has increased not only in number but also in violence and inhumanity, including the by-now routine use of secret detention5 and tor- Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 4ture-like practices6 as part of the pushback process. Such an escalation is unsurprising: The Council of Europe (CoE)’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT), an independent inter-state body with decades of experience overseeing state agents, considers that registration and record-keeping are the most basic guarantees of any rights for those in state custody, as well as a precondition for the adequate oversight of state agents’ conduct.7 Its experience reveals that a lack of oversight and continuing impunity tend to correspond with an increase in numbers and severity of abusive practices.8 Under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), pushback practices raise serious concerns around the expulsion process under article 3 and article 4 of Protocol No. 4 (A4P4), as well as states’ use of force and duty to investigate under articles 2 and 3.

Amid severe political pressure in Europe to curb migration and states’ insistence on controlling their borders, these pushbacks have tested the extent to which the ECtHR would enforce these critical rights protections. Although justice for victims of pushback-related human rights violations is largely inaccessible, several cases addressing pushbacks reached the Court. Despite the Court’s prior description of these provisions as some of “the most fundamental values of democratic societies” (article 3),9 and the “procedural guarantee of human dignity” (A4P4),10 its subsequent protection of these rights for non-nationals11 at European borders has emerged muddled at best and fully eroded at worst.

This article examines the Court’s recent jurisprudence on pushbacks in light of the specific factual and temporal circumstances at the borders that gave rise to the cases. It aims to analyze the extent to which at times conflicting judgments are compatible and offers some conclusions on their potential impact on the effective oversight and protection of fundamental rights at Europe’s borders. In particular, this analysis highlights the Court’s evaluation of evidence where applicants’ descriptions of their experiences are pitted against States’ consistent denials of pushback practices, as well as its application of the so-called exception to the prohibition of collective expulsions carved out from the Court’s troubling judgment N.D. and N.T. v. Spain,12 which seemed to indicate a pivotal shift in its expulsion jurisprudence. Does this jurisprudence offer a staunch defense of access to asylum at Europe’s borders, or rather an implicit approval of State efforts to entrench externalization by relying on limited access to their borders in the first place – routinely disregarding their legal obligations and ignoring the rule of law?

II. The ECtHR’s protection of non-nationals at borders: non-refoulement, collective expulsions, and the impact of N.D. and N.T. v. Spain

Since Soering v. The United Kingdom,13 expulsion cases before Strasbourg had been framed mainly under article 3 ECHR. The 2002 Strasbourg judgment in Čonka v. Belgium14 marked the coming to life of the prohibition of collective expulsion via A4P4 since its 1968 entry into force.15 It was only in 2012 that the Grand Chamber issued its first judgment on the prohibition in Hirsi Jamaa v. Italy, the first case addressing a border operation under A4P4. In addition to confirming the Court’s jurisprudence on extra-territorial jurisdiction,16 the judgment reaffirmed the Commission’s early definition of a collective expulsion as “any measure” compelling non-nationals to leave, “except where such measure is taken after and on the basis of a reasonable and objective examination of the particular cases of each individual alien of the group.”17

Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 5Applicants who can successfully invoke article 3 benefit from higher procedural guarantees against expulsions than under A4P4. These guarantees include a risk assessment – sometimes of its own motion18 – that is “adequate and sufficiently” supported by evidence.19 When coupled with article 13, article 3 requires competent authorities to scrutinize protection claims independently and rigorously20 and to provide applicants with access to: information on the national asylum process in a language they understand; a reliable communication system with the authorities, lawyers, and interpreters;21 and a national remedy with automatic suspensive effect.22

With the increase of informal expulsions and states’ reliance on bilateral readmission agreements and/or the notion of “safe third country” to remove individuals from their jurisdictions, Strasbourg has been called on to redefine article 3 obligations. In Ilias and Ahmed v. Hungary, the Grand Chamber clarified that for expulsions to a third country before the examination of a protection claim, the legal issue raised under article 3 no longer centered on the merits of the applicant’s protection claim. Rather, the main issues become conditions in the destination country: both the accessibility of an adequate protection procedure and the relevant living and/or detention conditions for asylum seekers there.23 In short, states must assess either the asylum claims of those they receive directly, or the accessibility and adequacy of asylum procedures and living conditions in the third country to which they seek to send them.

Despite the greater protection afforded to applicants under article 3 than under A4P4, until Khlaifia v. Italy,24 all A4P4 migration cases also included article 3 claims. Although this may seem redundant, it can be explained first by the fact that the threshold to establish an article 3 risk is much higher than that to prove a lack of individualised process under A4P4. A second explanation is that when faced with state officials’ refusal to register an expressed asylum claim, the prohibition of collective expulsions represents a safer alternative. Indeed, the applicability of article 3 will depend on the Court’s factual determination as to whether a protection claim was in fact expressed.25 The characterization of A4P4 as a safer option reflects its role as a guarantor of and condition to the effective implementation of the principle of non-refoulement.26 In fact, the UN Committee against Torture considers the prohibition of collective expulsion an integral part of this principle.27

The cases of Khlaifia and N.D. and N.T. were the first to rely only on A4P4 without an attached article 3 claim. These two cases centered not around asylum claims but rather the rights of non-nationals whose expulsions had not been the subject of individualised decisions. Their claims were in line with the scope of the provision as discussed by the ECHR’s drafters28 and as formally accepted by the Court.29 In Khlaifia, the Grand Chamber ruled that A4P4 did not include an obligation to individually interview concerned non-nationals, but rather only afforded them “a genuine and effective possibility” to challenge their expulsions. The Court also established a very low threshold as to what constitutes a genuine and effective possibility, considering that an identification process by consular authorities of the receiving/origin country constituted such.30 The judgment operated a considerable shift from an interpretation requiring the state to establish that an expulsion decision was individualized to one instead demanding that applicants prove they did not have the slightest possibility to challenge their expulsion.31

Yet the treatment of the applicants in N.D. and N.T. v. Spain would have constituted a clear violation of A4P4 even with this minimally protective interpretation – had the Grand Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 6Chamber not carved out a new exception.32 The Court stated that this exception to A4P4’s protection applied where persons “cross a land border in an unauthorised manner, deliberately take advantage of their large numbers and use force, […] such as to create a clearly disruptive situation which is difficult to control and endangers public safety.” In these circumstances, the Court said it would determine whether the state party “provided genuine and effective access to means of legal entry, in particular border procedures,” and if so, whether there were “cogent reasons” for the applicants not to use those means.33

The flaws of the Grand Chamber’s intricate judgment have been addressed at length by several commentators. Among points of critique are the utterly unclear scope of exception’s applicability;34 the Court’s faulty factual assessment of the accessibility of means of legal entry, described by Spanish judges as chimeric;35 and the unfortunate conclusion that racial profiling barring access to the border is not a “cogent reason” if it is not carried out by the respondent state.36 Some authors point out that such a broad exception to a prohibition defined in absolute terms may be outside of the Court’s mandate by effectively constituting a revocation of A4P4.37 Another reading of its restrictive interpretation is that it is precisely the recognition of formal rights to non-nationals not considered vulnerable that the judges rejected.38

The next decided case concerning A4P4, Asady v. Slovakia, did not clear up the matter. Rather, the Court acknowledged N.D. and N.T. only in passing, while a three-judge dissent warned that the N.D. and N.T. test “must be confined to its proper context in order to avoid depriving the right secured by [A4P4] of its very essence.”39 Although commentators concluded that future judgments might answer some of the several questions the Grand Chamber ruling posed, following cases appear to have broadened and blurred – rather than refined or clarified – the scope of the exception.

III. After N.D. and N.T.: a blurry reflection of the reality at Europe’s borders

Before exploring the Court’s jurisprudence on expulsions post-N.D. and N.T., it is important to briefly set out the conditions under which most seekers of protection in Europe attempt to access it. At most external European land border crossings, states rely on what Gammeltoft-Hansen and Hathaway describe as policies of “cooperation-based non-entrée,” which is “predicated on interstate cooperation […] in which deterrence is carried out by the authorities of the home or a transit state” to keep refugees from reaching such border crossings in order to claim asylum.40 In most circumstances, the authorities of the country one seeks to enter (“destination state”) are only accessible once that individual has passed through some type of exit control of the prior country (“transit/origin state”). Thus, persons without valid passports or documents, as well as those who are fleeing persecution in their origin country, can usually only cross such borders irregularly to seek protection – the case for the great majority of refugees. Only in very exceptional constellations does a transit or origin country refrain from passport control or other means of requiring formal exit before PoM can then access official entry points and border procedures of the destination state. Otherwise, “non-entrée” cooperation, often driven by European states’ diplomatic or financial incentives, prevents them from approaching formal border crossings.41

In light of the ECtHR’s apparent indication that irregular crossings – the much more common scenario resulting from the reality described above – can in some circumstances constitute “culpable conduct,” this article will engage with its subsequent jurisprudence by distinguishing between cases arising out of these two circumstances: first, situations in which PoM had direct access to official entry points and border procedures of the destination state, without the transit/origin state first requiring standard control or exit procedures; and second, situations in which access to official entry points and associated border procedures of the destination state was necessarily preceded by a border control by the transit/origin state or otherwise prevented by non-entrée cooperation, thereby leading PoM to enter irregularly and away from authorized locations.42

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1. At borders where applicants could directly access border procedures to explain their wish for protection

In N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, the Court stressed that for States whose external borders coincide with the Schengen Area, “the effectiveness of Convention rights requires that [they] make available genuine and effective access to means of legal entry, in particular border procedures for those who have arrived at the border. Those means should allow all persons who face persecution to submit an application for protection, in particular on the basis of article 3 of the Convention, under conditions which ensure that the application is processed in a manner consistent with the international norms, including the Convention.”43 In the first category of cases discussed below, the Court can clearly establish applicants’ lack of “genuine and effective access to means of legal entry” through their several attempts to approach the destination state’s border procedures. The cases, though exceptional precisely because applicants can directly access such procedures from the transit/origin state, highlight the standard under which the Court more comfortably makes findings of articles 3 and A4P4 violations.

A. Poland’s border rejections and obstruction of access to appropriate border procedures

The majority of Strasbourg cases in the first explored category concern the situation at the Polish-Belarussian border between 2016 and 2017, all challenging Poland.44 During the material time, asylum seekers arriving from Belarus at Poland’s Terespol border post, which many could reach by train without obstacles imposed by Belarus, were consistently refused access to relevant border procedures by Polish border guards, who ignored circumstances that would have pointed toward their need for international protection and accordingly triggered an asylum procedure.45 M.K. and others v. Poland, in which the Court responded positively to applicants’ claims under article 346 and A4P4 (in addition to claims under articles 13 and 34, which will not be discussed here), serves as the first and key case through which to discuss this constellation. In particular, it highlights the Court’s (a) affirmation of how it will evaluate jurisdiction in border situations; (b) evaluation of evidence; and (c) application of the N.D. and N.T. exception.

Decided in July 2020, the case concerned three separate applications (from one individual and two families) of Russian nationals from Chechnya who attempted to access international protection at Poland’s Terespol border post on 35, 19, and 8 separate occasions. Each time, applicants expressed their intention to claim asylum to Polish border guards, in several cases equipped with prepared written applications. Polish authorities consistently ignored these statements and applications, instead issuing administrative decisions attributing applicants’ attempts to enter Poland to purely economic or personal reasons and returning them directly to Belarus. On one occasion, applicants even approached the Polish border with powers of attorney for lawyers present at the border crossing and to whom they requested access – but were also denied. Faced with interim measures under Rule 39 requiring that applicants not be returned to Belarus without evaluation, Polish authorities again removed applicants to Belarus.47

a. Application of Convention’s protection at borders

The Court began by affirming that actions carried out by a state at its borders are subject to ECHR obligations. It pointed toward N.D. and N.T. v. Spain to reiterate that Poland could not “circumvent” its jurisdiction over the applicants by arguing that its refusal of entry decisions were taken “within a few hours of the applicants’ arrival on Polish territory” and “that the control process in respect of the applicants was of relatively short duration.”48 The Court’s judgment also rejects the argument on which Poland – along with many other Council of Europe states – attempts to rely on in trying to justify its behavior: that its removal of applicants was required by its commitment to the Schengen Borders Code and EU Directive 2013/32. The Court stressed that both require states to provide effective access to asylum procedures.49

b. Evaluation of evidence

As is often a defining feature of pushback cases, the Court was tasked with evaluating the applicants’ and the State’s deeply conflicting accounts. Rejecting the State’s assertion that applicants had never expressed their intention to claim asylum, the Court sided with the applicants because their account was corroborated by consistent accounts collected by independent human rights bodies, including the Polish Children’s Ombudsman, and judgments of the Supreme Administrative Court. Given the consistency and depth of reporting, the Court acknowledged “the existence of a systemic practice of misrepresenting the statements given by asylum seekers in the official notes drafted by the officers of the Border Guard serving at the border checkpoints between Poland and Belarus.”50

Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 8The Court also found the applicants’ claims that they stated their need for asylum further corroborated by copies of applications for international protection they said they carried at the border. The Court did not find credible the State’s argument that applicants would not have given such documents to the Border Guard. It further noted “the fact that they made numerous attempts to cross the border and sought representation by Polish and Belarusian lawyers, who assisted them with drafting their statements” and were on one attempt present to provide representation.51 Finally, the Court pointed to its own forwarding of the applicants’ claims and supporting documents to the Government in the context of its Rule 39 order as evidence that Poland was aware of their applications for protection.52

Convinced that the applicants could arguably claim and had submitted evidence showing the risk that their asylum claims would not be examined in Belarus and that they risked article 3-contrary treatment in Chechnya, it stressed that Poland’s obligation to ensure applicants’ safety did not depend on whether the applicants had been legally admitted to Poland. It found that Poland’s complete lack of review of applicants’ claims for international protection on the multiple occasions they arrived at the border, as well as its subsequent return of applicants to Belarus, thereby exposed them to a serious risk of refoulement, violating article 3.53

c. N.D. and N.T. exception and collective expulsions

M.K. and others is the first land border judgment following N.D. to directly engage with its ramifications on the prohibition of collective expulsions. The Court confirmed that Poland’s border rejections, in line with N.D. and other past jurisprudence, constituted expulsions “even if under domestic law such measures are classified differently,” and that the scope of A4P4 applies regardless of an individual’s legal status on the concerned territory,54 including where individuals present themselves at a land border but are returned.55

It then turned to the circumstances of the expulsion and the “general context at the material time” to evaluate whether the treatment of the applicants was sufficiently individualized.56 Although the Government claimed that their rejections could not be collective because each separately issued decision was based on an individualized assessment of each applicant’s situation, following separate interviews recorded by detailed notes,57 the Court found that this could not overcome the fact that these decisions “did not properly reflect the reasons given by the applicants to justify their fear of persecution.”58 The Court also stressed that applicants were not able to consult lawyers and denied access when they were present at border checkpoints.59 Finally, the Court acknowledged that several independent reports, which were also supported by the former Minister of the Interior and Administration’s warning on Polish TV of an “influx of Muslim refugees” and that Chechens arriving at the border would not be admitted to the country, reflected a “wider State policy of refusing entry to foreigners coming from Belarus, regardless of whether they were clearly economic migrants or whether they expressed a fear of persecution.”60

The Court’s reference to the N.D. and N.T. exception, nestled in between its above evaluation of collective treatment, notes that unlike in the latter case, Poland’s failure to consider the applicants’ arguments for international protection was not attributable to their own conduct because they had “attempted to cross the border in a legal manner, using an official checkpoint and subjecting themselves to border checks as required by the relevant law.”61 Yet a close reading of N.D. and N.T. would require that its “own culpable conduct” exception simply not be applied to M.K. and others, who did not enter Poland in an authorized manner, with similarly large numbers or with the use of force, and certainly not creating a disruptive situation that endangered public safety. The correct analysis would have been for the Court to clearly state that the “own culpable conduct” exception was inapplicable, and the potential culpability of the applicants’ conduct therefore not in need of consideration. Instead, the Court widened the exception’s applicability by blurring the specific grounds the Court initially employed to legitimize limiting the scope of A4P4 protection.

Nevertheless, the Court’s ruling was mirrored in the later cases against Poland featuring very similar factual circumstances. In those cases, groups of Syrian and Chechen applicants had also approached the Terespol border crossing on several occasions, expressing their fear of return to their home countries and the risk they faced in Belarus, only to be returned with similar administrative decisions. In those cases, aided significantly by its earlier findings of Poland’s systemic practice in M.K., the Court was able to find article 3 and A4P4 violations as “part of the same wider policy.”62 While in D.A. and others, the Court does not mention the “culpable conduct” exception at all – perhaps inferring it is apparent from the judgment’s expressly articulated referrals to M.K. – in A.I. and others, the Court more explicitly follows the lead of its M.K. approach, finding that applicants’ conduct was not culpable because they had attempted to apply for international protection through means ostensibly available under domestic law and “in a legal manner.”63

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B. The Hungarian context: Access to asylum at the border illusory in practice

Decided in July 2021, Shahzad v. Hungary can be viewed as an extension of the Poland case cluster. At the time of events, Hungary’s recently overhauled and explicitly restrictive asylum policy required those attempting to seek international protection in Hungary from Serbia to approach the border at two points established as “transit zones” along the border fence. Following Hungary’s closure of its borders with Serbia and Croatia and erection of its barbed-wire fence, entrance to these transit zones were the only means by which asylum seekers could gain access to Hungary’s asylum procedure at the border.64 In addition, Hungary imposed strict, low limits on the number of asylum seekers allowed to enter the transit zones each day. The determination of who would enter such zones was described as irregular and non-transparent by UNHCR and the CoE’s Special Representative of the Secretary General on Migration and Refugees, with a resulting “waiting list” coordinated by asylum seekers themselves at the border.65 Single men who approached the border to sign up for the list faced particular difficulties registering, and those who did often reported waiting several months for their turn to enter.

Shahzad v. Hungary concerned a Pakistani applicant who detailed attempting to enter Hungary through the transit zone but being told that single men were not able to add their names to the list. On the incident of concern, he and 11 other men cut a hole in the fence and passed through to Hungary. When the group was found by Hungarian officers, he stated that he wished to apply for asylum but was ignored. Investigating officers questioned the applicant and his fellow travelers about smuggling before they were driven to the border fence and forced to pass through and walk back to Serbia.66

As with M.K. and others, the Court was faced with abundant evidence on which to evaluate the Government and M. Shahzad’s conflicting accounts. This included video footage of officers forcing the applicant to the other side of the border fence as well as documents from a domestic criminal investigation into his ill-treatment that identified the officers involved.67 This overcame the Government’s initial contention that M. Shahzad had “failed to prove that he had ever suffered the measure complained of.”68 Reiterating N.D. and N.T., the Court first confirmed that “where the absence of identification and personalized treatment by the authorities of the respondent State is at the very core of an applicant’s complaint, it is essential to ascertain whether the applicant has furnished prima facie evidence in support of his or her version of events” before the burden of proof shifts to the Government.69 It found that the video footage obtained from the police, as well as other official information obtained from the criminal proceedings, confirmed the applicant’s apprehension and escort to the border fence’s external side.70 On the State’s contention – similar to the Polish cases – that the applicant had not applied for international protection in Hungary, the Court decided that whether he had been prevented from doing so was closely linked to examination of his A4P4 claim and should be decided on the merits.71

Examining these claims, the Court first dispelled Hungary’s contention that it had not expelled the applicant because officers’ escorting him to the other side of the border fence did not formally place him in Serbian territory. Importantly, the Court found that “the narrow strip of land on the external side of that [border] fence to which the applicant was escorted only had a technical purposed linked to the management of the border” with “no infrastructure” present. It reiterated that individuals removed in this manner had “no choice but to leave Hungarian territory,” and that the words of the police officers directing him toward Serbia “could only be understood by him to be an order that had to be obeyed.”72 It found that “relying merely on the formal status of the strip of land on the external side of border fence as part of Hungarian territory and disregarding the [referred to] practical realities would lead to article 4 of Protocol No. 4 being devoid of practical effectiveness in cases such as the present case, and would allow States to circumvent the obligations imposed on them by virtue of that provision.” As in N.D. and N.T., it reiterated that “the special nature of the context as regards migration cannot justify an area outside the law where individuals are covered by no legal system.”73

Having thus established no admissibility obstacles to the claim, the Court easily and briefly concluded that the applicant’s removal from Hungary without an identification procedure or examination of his circumstances “should lead to the conclusion that his expulsion was of a collective nature […] except if the lack of examination of his situation could be attributed to his own conduct.”74 It also found that the applicant’s circumstances “cannot be compared to the situation in N.D. and N.T:” Although M. Shahzad had entered Hungary in an unauthorised manner, the Government had not argued that this crossing created a disruptive situation or endangered public safety; rather, the reviewed video footage showed “no indication that the applicant or other men in the group used any force or resisted the officers,” and that “the situation was entirely under the officers’ control” with the applicant’ s group “follow[ing] orders.”75 As Dana Schmalz warns, this evaluation suggests that limitations to the protection from collective Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 10expulsions could be based on a vague threshold “way below otherwise punishable acts.”76 Furthermore, the Court’s analysis that the application criteria for the N.D. and N.T. exception did not apply should have been enough for it to find a violation and end there. Instead, and despite considering that the use of violence and a disruptive situation were relevant, the Court deemed that it would “nevertheless proceed to examine, whether, by crossing the border irregularly, the applicant circumvented an effective procedure for legal entry.”77

In finding that M. Shahzad ultimately had not had access to an effective procedure, the Court relied heavily on findings already made by the European Court of Justice (CJEU) in infringement proceedings against Hungary. There, the CJEU had found proven, “in a sufficiently documented and detailed manner […] a consistent and generalised administrative practice of Hungarian authorities aimed at limiting access to the transit zones of Röszke and Tompa so systematically and drastically that third-country nationals or stateless persons who, arriving from Serbia, wished to access, in Hungary, the international protection procedure, in practice were confronted with the virtual impossibility of making an application for international protection in Hungary.”78 The CJEU’s findings that Hungary had accordingly failed to comply with the EU’s Asylum Procedure Directive, as well as reports of UNHCR and the CoE’s Special Representative on Migration and Refugees regarding Hungary’s use of the waiting list to limit such access particularly for single men, satisfied the Court that it could find an A4P4 violation for lack of culpable conduct on M. Shahzad’s end.79

Although the Shahzad analysis does not necessarily clarify the scope of application for the N.D. and N.T. exception, the Court’s finding of an A4P4 violation remains significant because unlike in the Polish cases, M. Shahzad had not put forward article 3 claims. In N.D. and N.T., on the contrary, some commentators have highlighted that the applicants’ lack of article 3 claims (their non-refugee status) may have guided the Grand Chamber to loosen A4P4’s procedural protection.80 Evaluated next to the Polish cases, Shahzad appears to be another example of the Court’s condemnation of state tactics that impede real access to asylum procedures at their borders. In 2022, the Court largely relied on and repeated these findings with ease in H.K. v. Hungary, concerning an Iranian applicant who was removed from Hungarian territory after crossing irregularly. It took no issue with the fact that H.K. had managed to add his name on the waiting list and was later admitted to the transit zone at a point after the expulsion at issue, “noting that the Government did not put forward any argument demonstrating that at the time of the applicant’s removal the procedure for legal entry had been effective.”81

C. Latvia: Early rejections unscrutinized by the Court

The contrasting 2022 case of M.A. and others v. Latvia, in which the Court pinned its inability to find violations of article 3 and A4P4 (and in conjunction article 13) on evidentiary obstacles, highlights the exceptional nature of the Poland and Hungary cases. Brought by one of the groups of applicants and the same lawyer as in the case M.K. and others, the case concerned the Chechen family’s attempt to claim asylum in Latvia in late 2017 by traveling from Belarus aboard a train that arrived at Latvia’s railway Indra border crossing, where they were controlled. The applicants described telling Latvian border authorities that they wished to claim asylum and were equipped with a written application. However, Latvian officers issued refusal of entry documents, which it did not provide to them, and returned them by car to Belarus.82 The applicants were later forced to return to Russia, where the first applicant was tortured.83

The Court found the key preliminary question at issue to be whether the applicants had actually applied for asylum to the authorities while in their custody, which the Government denied. Based on the evidentiary standards laid out in N.D., the Court stressed it is “in principle for the applicants to adduce evidence that they asked the Latvian authorities for asylum and that they invoked before them the existence of a risk of ill-treatment in case of return to Belarus.” However, it stressed that because the applicants had not claimed that Latvian authorities had failed to identify them as in N.D., the burden of proof would not automatically shift to the Government.84 In addition to their own account, the applicants had submitted two statements from workers with a Belarusian rights organization: one who confirmed contact with the applicants in Belarus during their material time, and the other who attested to preparing a written asylum request for the family to provide at the Latvian border, and to seeing the applicant after their failed attempt to claim asylum. The Government, on the other hand, produced “no direct or indirect confirmation of the applicants’ allegation” that they had applied for asylum orally and in writing.85

Although the Court found that applicants had “provided a generally clear, specific and coherent description of the events,” it took issue with the fact that, “in contrast to their previous cases against Poland and Lithuania,” the applicants had not submitted copies of their asylum requests or photographs taken while on the Latvian border. It found this absence of documentation “particularly striking given that the Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 11applicants were represented by the same representative” as in those cases. More concerningly still, it seemed to suggest that that applicants’ appearance at the border “on only one occasion” casted doubt on their account. 86

The Court chose to find the statements of the Belarusian rights defender who said he had prepared their asylum application alone insufficient evidence of the applicants’ turning over such papers to Latvian authorities and unsupported by the statement of the other witness, his supervisor; the applicants’ failure to produce a copy of the request to Latvian authorities or other documentary evidence unexplained; and the additional reporting highlighting a general lack of access to asylum in Latvia not sufficiently corroborative of their account because it discussed the situation two years earlier than the material time and could be overcome by the Government’s submitted statistics that Russian nationals had been able to submit a total of 17 asylum applications at the Latvian border in 2016 and 2017.87 Together, it found that the Government had adequately refuted the applicants’ account, and thus, their article 3 and article 13 claims were manifestly ill-founded. It came to a similar conclusion regarding their A4P4 claims, concluding that the applicants’ several border conversations with authorities while in their custody for over four hours provided “sufficient opportunity to submit their arguments […] on an individual basis” and that the standardized refusal of entry decisions were sufficiently explained by their lack of visas for Latvia.88

The Court’s inability to find the claims in M.A. v. Latvia substantiated, even despite the State’s failure to provide any evidence countering the applicant’s claims that their requests for asylum were ignored, reveals an extraordinarily high evidentiary standard expected by the Court. It seems irreconcilable that the Court would refer to the lack of documentation provided in the applicants’ cases against Poland and Lithuania without also taking into account the applicants’ repeated orally expressed need for protection there as well. The Court’s decision ignores the obvious power imbalance between vulnerable people on the move and the border guards who meet them, refusing to accept the common unlikelihood that those persons can take pictures or produce documents not provided to them by the state.

2. At borders where applicants cannot directly access border procedures to express their wish for protection

In contrast to the factual scenarios above, this section explores cases where applicants were not able to directly access border procedures of the destination state and therefore crossed irregularly to seek protection. In cases that include an A4P4 claim, the Court’s judgments establish that its factual assessment of “access to means of legal entry” will not take into account any obstacles for which the entry state does not bear legal responsibility. This means excluding any consideration of fundamental factual obstacles arising from what Gammeltoft-Hansen and Hathaway describe as “cooperation-based non-entrée” facilitated by the transit/origin state.89 As a result, the Court’s factual test for determining the existence of “genuine and effective access to means of legal entry” is increasingly disconnected from the reality at Europe’s borders.90

A. Diplomatic cooperation at the Turkish-Bulgarian border: D. v. Bulgaria and professional interpretation

D. v. Bulgaria concerned the pushback of a Turkish journalist working for a newspaper deemed supportive of a movement labeled as a terrorist organisation by the government in the wake of a failed coup in summer 2016. Like many others in his position, D. was dismissed from his job and fled from Turkey to Bulgaria in the back of a truck for fear of persecution through prosecution, unable to formally exit Turkey through the country’s border controls. Romanian authorities apprehended D. and others as they were about to cross into Romania and handed them over to the Bulgarian officers. Bulgarian authorities detained the group, prevented them from seeing a lawyer, and forced them to sign several forms in Bulgarian, which they did not understand. While being interrogated as criminal suspects for having crossed the Bulgarian border irregularly, many of them explained why they had fled Turkey and feared persecution.91 Nevertheless, the Bulgarian authorities contacted the Turkish authorities92 and handed the group over to them within 24 hours.93 D. was immediately sent to prison awaiting trial, later convicted and sentenced to 7 years of imprisonment largely on the basis of his attempt to flee. The case had been widely reported in the Bulgarian media and was taken up by the Bulgarian Ombudsperson.94 Before the ECtHR, the applicant claimed violations of article 3, A4P4 and 13 (in conjunction with 3 and A4P4), as well as violations of article 6 as to his expulsion despite the risk of persecution by prosecution.

The Court ruled that it only needed to consider D’s claim under articles 3 and 13, finding that the issues raised under A4P4 and 6 were the same as those raised under article 3.95 Further, the Court considered that the main issue in the case was whether the applicant had expressed his fears to the Bulgarian authorities before his expulsion.96 Noting that the applicant’s initial intention was to transit through Bulgaria and not to claim asylum there, the Court accepted the applicant’s Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 12(disputed) account that when in the hands of Bulgarian authorities, he and his group orally claimed asylum.97 In doing so, the Court gave great weight to the absence of an independent, professional interpreter, underlining the insufficiency of informal interpretation offered by state officers or other PoM.98 It also stressed as crucial that the only records of an interview of the applicant (as a criminal suspect) contain enough information to allow an article 3 assessment.99 The Court found violations of both article 3 and 13.100

D. v. Bulgaria sits apart from the following cases in this category because state officials had issued paperwork in relation to the applicant’s handling, leaving a trace of his treatment even if it did not accurately reflect it. Following cases instead illustrate how the lack of records characteristic of pushbacks by informal expulsions poses a major obstacle to the Court. In addition, the failure of states to investigate situations at borders where human rights violations are claimed adds to the Court’s difficulties and represents a major obstacle to applicants’ access to justice. Judges have little to assess two contradicting versions of events on the most crucial points: the presence of applicants on state territory, their contact with state agents, the content of the conversations, and whether applicants expressed protection needs or requested a lawyer or translator.101 These issues are not only factually crucial but also legally pivotal to article 3 claims,102 as in principle the state is usually only required to assess expulsion-related risks once the applicant has expressed their protection needs.103 In the Court’s most recent judgment on an expulsion to Turkey where no documents were issued – concerning the abduction in Athens of a refugee from Turkey via a car with license plates registered to the Greek police, his hand-over to Turkish authorities, and forced return there – the Court found, instead, that the applicant had not provided prima facie evidence of his substantive article 3 claim. Despite many corroborating pieces of evidence of his account, analyzed by the three dissenting judges, the Court found that in the absence of official state records of the applicant’s presence in Greece, there was no evidence that he had been the person forcibly disappeared. In their dissenting opinion, three judges pointed the inconsistency of this approach with the Court’s jurisprudence on evidence in secret rendition cases.104

B. M.H. and others v. Croatia: Ineffective investigations and irregular crossings as a basis for exclusion from legal protection

The case of M.H. and others v. Croatia, brought by an Afghani family of two women, a man, and their 11 children who were all apprehended by Croatian officials after entering irregularly, addressed the death of 6-year-old Madina. The girl was hit by a train during the family’s nighttime summary expulsion to Serbia in late 2017. At the border between Croatia and Serbia, the only official entry point into Croatia was through classic adjacent border checkpoints, with border control from Serbia (the transit country) preceding border control and any border procedures by Croatia (the destination country). Those whom Croatian authorities apprehended after crossing the border irregularly – like M.H. and his family – were pushed back directly to Serbia.105

In addition to Madina’s death, the case also addressed the subsequent treatment of the family by Croatian authorities, namely their detention and their asylum process but also their lawyer’s targeting by Croatian authorities for having sought justice for the child’s death. The death of Madina and the subsequent fate of the family received Europe-wide media attention and was followed closely by the Croatian Ombudsperson.106 In Croatia, the family was supported by their lawyer as well as NGOs, namely the Centre for Peace Studies and Are You Syrious.107 In addition to a violation of A4P4 as to their summary expulsion, the Court unanimously found violations of article 2 for authorities’ failure to adequately investigate the child’s death, articles 3 and 5 in relation to the families’ subsequent immigration detention in Croatia, and article 34 (right to individual petition) as to the criminalization of the family’s lawyer.

The case centered around crucial disputed facts: The family claimed that they had been apprehended on Croatian territory by officers who forced them to follow train tracks back into Serbia despite the obvious dangers in doing so with children at night, while the Croatian government maintained that the family had only entered Croatia after the child’s death in order to seek help and had then left the territory voluntarily. Croatian officers had produced no official records of any encounter with the applicants on that day and also rejected the existence of a state practice or policy of pushbacks. 108 Still, the Court followed the evidentiary rules outlined in N.D. and N.T. and Shahzad – both cases where the respondent state acknowledged their pushback policy – to shift the burden of proof to Croatia after the establishment of prima facie evidence by the applicants, “where the absence of identification and personalized treatment of the respondent State [is] at the very core of an applicant’s complaint.”109 Here, the Court ruled that despite the absence of material evidence of the applicants’ summary expulsion from Croatia prior to the child’s death, the fact that the applicants’ accounts were consistent, Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 13specific, and supported by reports from several organisations constituted prima facie evidence.110

In considering the applicants’ claim under A4P4, the Court reiterated the applicability of the N.D. and N.T. exception to specific situations of irregular crossings in large numbers intending to be disruptive and endanger public order.111 Despite the clear inapplicability of the exception to the circumstances at hand the Court, like in Shahzad, went on to apply the “own culpable conduct” test, examining whether the applicants had access to means of legal entry. The Court took into account the fact that applicants were asylum seekers with no documents and therefore dismissed as irrelevant the two humanitarian cases the government had put forward as evidence of means of legal entry into Croatia. Due to the Croatian government’s failure to provide information on the modalities of applying for asylum at its borders, the Court ruled that it could not determine whether any legal avenues for entry were available to the applicants and therefore found a violation of A4P4.112 As in Shahzad, the Court’s reasoning in this case represented a broadening of the applicability of N.D.’s “own culpable conduct” exception, again applying the test on the simple basis of irregular entry.

On article 2, the Government argued that the family’s claim was inadmissible because the applicants had not filed a civil case for the state’s alleged failure to prevent the child’s death. Nonetheless, the Court ruled that in these circumstances, only an effective criminal investigation would constitute an effective remedy, as is required in situations of deaths caused by the state’s recklessness, deaths occurring in suspicious circumstances, or when state agents disregarded legal duties.113 The Court gave particular weight to the fact that the officers’ actions right before the death “might have involved a deliberate disregard” of their duties under national and EU asylum law, the UN Convention for the Rights of the Child, or “at the very least” Croatia and Serbia’s readmission treaty.114 The Court found a violation of article 2’s procedural obligations and held the national criminal proceedings to be inadequate due to major flaws: While statements from the applicants and witnesses had been discarded as unreliable for minor discrepancies, those of police officers were deemed consistent, and changes made to these statements throughout the investigation were not questioned.115 Further, a number of crucial investigative steps were omitted. In particular, the police’s claim that footage of the events from border thermal cameras was unavailable was not verified by the investigative attorney general’s office. Similarly, the family’s request that their presence on Croatian soil be verified through an analysis of their mobile phone’s GPS data was disregarded. Finally, the family and their lawyer were excluded from the investigative process by being denied access to information on the investigation, and their suggestions and requests on what action to take were consistently disregarded.116 The Court declined to find a violation of article 2’s material limb, resting on the possibility for Croatian authorities to re-open the criminal proceedings.117 The Croatian government has since confirmed that further investigative steps will be taken; however, the current new lines of inquiry still rely exclusively on the re-examination of data held by the state, explaining that any personal data is erased after 12 months. Further, the investigation has remained exclusively in the hands of the police118 despite the fact that the violations themselves resulted from a covert practice coordinated at the highest levels of same institution,119 and thus lack the necessary independence to be effective.120

C. A.A. and others v. North Macedonia: the beginning of Europe’s pushback system and the Court’s blind eye

A.A. and others v. North Macedonia concerned the March 2016 formal closure of the Balkan corridor, which had allowed the relatively safe passage of refugees into Northern Europe since mid-2015.121 Its 8 March 2016 closure trapped some 13,000 people at the border between Greece and North Macedonia, facing dire living conditions and a fully inadequate Greek asylum system.122 The applicants were eight adults – including one man in a wheelchair – who, due to the horrendous living there, took part on 14 March 2016 in what would be called “The March of Hope” and crossed into Northern Macedonia to seek refuge. There, they were stopped by Northern Macedonian officers who impeded their access to humanitarian or legal support123 and drove them back to the border fence, cut holes, and forced them to crawl underneath,124 as Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 14was widely reported in the media.125 The case asked the Court to position itself on the unacknowledged consequences of the EU Council’s decision to close borders: a now Europe-wide border practice of refusing to register asylum seekers on states’ territories, denying them access to asylum, and summarily expelling them.126 In M.H. v. Croatia, the Court had already stated that such behaviour violated officers’ duty under the EU Asylum Procedure Directive to facilitate access to asylum claim registration.127

Given the causal link between the EU Council’s decision and applicants’ fate, the applicants were able to submit overwhelming evidence of refugees being “stranded” in Greece at the material time. This included reports from UN,128 CoE,129 and EU130 bodies, as well as international131 and local NGOs specialized in refugee rights.132 Submitted evidence showed a complete lack of registration of newly arrived asylum seekers in Northern Macedonia between March and August 2016 – the time of applicants’ expulsions – with a clear drop from 8 March 2016, the day after the EU Council’s announcement.133

Despite all this, the Court found no violations, ruling that the applicants were barred from claiming rights under A4P4 as they had crossed irregularly in a large group. The Court acknowledged that applicants had not used violence134 but stated that it would, by now familiarly, continue to examine whether their irregular entry “circumvented an effective procedure for legal entry.” This time, unlike in Shahzad and M.H., the Court concluded that asylum seekers could have accessed asylum through the border posts on 14 March 2016. It did so by citing numbers provided by the Government of certificates of intentions to claim asylum issued “between 19 June 2015 and 8 March 2016,”135 precisely before the closure of the borders at stake in the case. Moreover, these certificates were issued at the Vinojug transit center in Gevgelija, around 2km away from the border, to those who had already crossed irregularly and away from any official border crossing, further highlighting their lack of relevance to the expulsion at hand. The Court did not question the Government’s claim that these certificates were issued at the official border crossing of Bogorodica,136 despite reports to the contrary by UNHCR.137 These devastating conclusions echo the gross factual errors of the Court in its assessment of access to legal entry in N.D. and N.T.138 Such erroneous findings seriously question the Court’s ability – or willingness – to adequately assess the factual existence of “means of legal entry” under the Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 15“own culpability conduct” exception in cases where individuals cross irregularly for lack of other options.

D. Black PoM beaten at the Spanish enclaves: Accountability remains out of sight

The Court’s findings in two (in)admissibility decisions concerning the Spanish-Moroccan land border present similarly grave flaws. Following N.D. and N.T., these cases both challenged the “hot returns” (devoluciones en caliente) at the borders of Melilla and Ceuta, Spanish enclaves bordering Morocco. Previous attempts to address these expulsions before national courts had failed, including a criminal investigation into the tragedy of the “Tarajal massacre,” during which dozens of PoM died after the Spanish Guardia Civil fired rubber bullets and canister cans toward a group of persons struggling to keep afloat in the water.139 Yet the outcome of these two Strasbourg cases has confirmed impunity at the Spanish-Moroccan land border, as well as the racialised nature of the issue.

a. Doumbe Nnabuchi v. Spain: Applicant blamed for lack of evidence

Doumbe Nnabuchi v. Spain was initiated after published footage captured the Guardia Civil beating a black man off the Melilla border fence until he fell to the floor, apparently unconscious, and then carrying him in an unsafe and undignified manner through the border structure back to Morocco.140 His summary expulsion of 15 October 2014 and the resulting case received much media attention in Spain.141 NGOs granted leave as civil parties under Spanish law initiated criminal proceedings in front of the Spanish judiciary. Before Strasbourg, the applicant’s claims included violations of article 3 as to his treatment by the Guardia Civil during his expulsion, of A4P4 as to his expulsion, and of article 13 in conjunction with both previous claims.

In an inadmissibility decision by committee, three Strasbourg judges concluded that the applicant had failed to provide prima facie evidence that he was the person pictured in the video and referred to in the case. Referencing the evidentiary rule defined in N.D., the judges concluded that evidence provided by the applicant was insufficient on four main grounds. First, the Court relied on reports submitted by the Government demonstrating the impossibility of identifying the applicant in the videos submitted.142 Yet this approach is contrary to the factual ruling in N.D., in which the Government relied on exactly the same tactics.143 Second, the Court in Nnabuchi also found the applicant’s account inconsistent, without providing any details as to these inconsistencies. Third, the Court referred to the discrepancy in names provided by the applicant and the person referred to as “Danny Williams” in the videos. Although this is an important point, it is unfortunate that there is no acknowledgment – particularly in a decision on racialised border violence – of the fact that in many cultures persons commonly utilise names that differ from their birth names (the most famous example being perhaps Nelson Mandela).144 Finally, the Court took particular issue with the fact that the applicant did not appear in the proceedings before the national courts.145 Yet, the decision also states that the criminal proceedings were archived on 11 August 2015.146 The Court references no information as to the whereabouts of the applicant at that time and whether he would have been in a position to access Spanish territory and thus any Spanish court. This ground of dismissal is particularly concerning in light of the general lack of accessibility of victims at borders to related criminal investigations,147 as illustrated by the case of M.H. v. Croatia. This is particularly true for undocumented PoM at the Spanish border, who once pushed back to Morocco face a constant risk of raids followed by further expulsions to the Algerian border.148

The question of whether the applicant submitted sufficient evidence of his article 3 violation, prima facie or otherwise, seems intrinsically linked to the domestic criminal investigation. The committee could have chosen to consider the claim under article 3 in order to assess the investigation and its adequacy. Instead, it blamed the applicant for a lack of evidence and dismissed the case. As in most pushback cases, the lack of available evidence here resulted from the state’s obstruction or destruction of evidence and unwillingness to adequately investigate border violence, while systematically failing to include victims and witnesses in the process.149 As such, the swift inadmissibility decision is particularly worrying in a context of increasing border violence:150 As Danny asks himself, Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 16“If I had died, like George Floyd in the US, would I have been heard? Do we need to die to matter?”151

b. M.B. and R.A. v. Spain: whether Ceuta or Melilla, article 3 or A4P4, Black applicants are stripped of rights on the basis of “culpable conduct”

In M.B. and R.A. v. Spain, the applicants were two men from Guinea and Cameroon who reached the inside of the border fence structure in the Spanish enclave of Ceuta with over 100 others prior to their summary expulsion. Spanish media reported that Moroccan authorities – presumably invited into the Spanish border fence structure by Spanish authorities as is routine practice at that border – beat group members, including minors, down from the fence with stones and sticks during the nine hours of their presence. The events were captured by video footage that the applicants later submitted to the ECtHR.152 Both the UNHCR and the Spanish Ombudsperson (Defensor del Pueblo) had reacted as the events unfolded and called for authorities to act lawfully.153

The Court summarized the events as follows: the first applicant was stuck in barbed wire on the inner fence for nine hours, until the Spanish authorities brought him down with a crane. Despite his visible injuries, he was handed over to the Moroccan authorities. The second applicant ran away from Moroccan authorities’ beatings, which caused open wounds, by climbing the outer border fence. Due to these wounds, he climbed down from the fence on the Spanish side. Yet instead of providing first aid, the Spanish authorities invited the Moroccan authorities into the inter-fence corridor; the latter then beat him out of the border fence structure and into Morocco.154

Both applicants claimed violations of article 3, first in relation to their treatment and secondly in relation to their expulsion to Morocco,155 as well as violations of A4P4 for their expulsion.156 The case raised crucial questions on the article 3 obligations of a state inviting a third country into its territory to use what can only be described as irregular weapons (“stones and sticks”) and methods. The handing over of the second applicant from inside Spanish territory after he had managed to escape beating, also raised serious concerns about refoulement.

A panel of three judges, however, dismissed all claims as manifestly ill-founded. On the article 3 ill-treatment claims, the judges concluded that there was no prima facie evidence of the use of disproportionate force by the Spanish state. It ruled that the injuries sustained via Spanish barbed wire by the first applicant were “due to his own conduct” and noted that Spanish agents had used no force against the second.157 On the failure to provide medical treatment to both applicants,158 the panel did not address the situation of the first applicant, while finding that there was no evidence that the second required such assistance.159 This was despite its acknowledgment that he presented with bleeding wounds and that neither had received any medical assistance in Morocco immediately after their handover. Both applicants had submitted evidence showing they sought and received medical treatment at a later point in Morocco, indicating it must have been necessary.160 (The Court provides no further details as to the type of treatment or seriousness of the injuries.)

In relation to article 3 expulsion claims, the Court ruled that there were no substantial grounds to believe that the applicants ran a risk of article 3-contrary treatment. In reaching its conclusion, the Court referred to both Ilias and Ahmed and N.D.,161 even though the latter case did not ultimately evaluate article 3 claims. The Court seems to not consider it relevant that Moroccan authorities ill-treated the second applicant both before his entry into and during his expulsion from Spain – and in the presence of Spanish officers.162 Nowhere does the Court touch the issue of Spanish responsibility for inviting Moroccan forces to beat a bleeding person out of Spanish territory.

On the applicants’ A4P4 claims, the Court presumed the “own culpable conduct” exception applied without more than a citation to N.D. and N.T. Although Ceuta is a separate autonomous city located 380 km away from Melilla and the situation at hand occurred more than two years later,163 the Court relied on the (erroneous) factual assessment that access to means of legal entry existed in N.D. to dismiss the applicant’s claims.164 The Court did not justify why the (fictional) access to means of legal entry in Melilla would lead to a conclusion that such means were also available in Ceuta, despite the fact that in N.D., the Grand Chamber’s judgment acknowledged that at Ceuta’s Tarajal border crossing point, “no single asylum application had been lodged since 1993.”165 The Court’s treatment of these claims is grossly inadequate, both legally and symbolically. Unfortunately, hasty and badly Aus der ZeitschriftAsyl 1/2023 | S. 3–17 Es folgt Seite № 17grounded inadmissibility decisions have served historically as strong indicators of a refusal to apply the Convention in certain situations.166

IV. Conclusion

Post N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, the ECtHR has found A4P4 violations only in circumstances that are highly unusual and as such unaligned with the reality in which most PoM facing pushbacks find themselves. In fact, the ECtHR’s bizarre jurisprudence calls into operation the prohibition on collective expulsions only in exceptionally rare circumstances: where geopolitical oddities result in applicants being able to directly access such border procedures. Constellations like the Poland and Hungary case are extraordinary precisely because applicants’ ability to attempt to access border procedures was contingent on the states in which they traveled (unusually) not controlling or otherwise preventing their exit. Furthermore, in these cases the Court could rely on additionally unique circumstances: in Poland, the remarkable and uncommon coordination of Polish lawyers and Belarussian NGOs on both sides of the border, who could accompany the Chechen families throughout their movement and/or document their attempts to obtain access to asylum at the border;167 in Hungary, its ability to rely on the prior findings of the CJEU’s judgment in infringement proceedings against the state concerned;168 and for both states, their Governments’ explicitly expressed policies aiming to restrict access to asylum at their borders.

The remaining cases reflect the overwhelming majority of border configurations, where transit/origin and destination states work in cooperation to prevent direct access to a destination state’s border procedures – in other words, to curtail “genuine and effective access to means of legal entry” for PoM. In those circumstances, applicants were forced to enter the destination state irregularly precisely because they could not access such border procedures. Yet it is in those constellations that the Court has whittled away at the scope of A4P4’s protection by reading irregular entry alone as the ground of applicability for the “culpable conduct” exception and then failing to rigorously assess their real “access to means of legal entry.” As a result, the “culpable conduct” exception holds applicants responsible precisely for this absence of such access.

As a result of the Court’s unwillingness to engage with the factual reality at Europe’s borders (the absence of safe and legal pathways), its jurisprudence has not only afforded PoM much less protection but also effectively stripped them of a basic guarantee: access to rights. As the reviewed cases highlight, this is particularly worrying considering that those who cross borders irregularly (and often undocumented) are the most vulnerable to being treated informally in manners that may breach articles 2 and/or 3, either directly or through refoulement. A4P4’s requirement of a registered and individualised process stood as the only procedural guarantor for this vulnerable group of an effective – and inclusive – application of the right to life and the prohibition of torture, inhuman, and degrading treatment. However, the Court’s exclusionary interpretation instead further exposes them to the informal expulsions, arbitrary detention and ill-treatment to which they are characteristically vulnerable. Moreover, the Court does not adequately address states’ unwillingness to investigate cases of border violence and the deficits of existing investigations. In many cases, this means that the Court considers it is for the applicant to clarify and prove contested facts, even in situations where this can only be achieved through effective and independent state investigations.

In effect, the Court’s restrictive and short-sighted interpretation condones state officials’ trampling the legal and regulatory standards that frame their work and protect individuals from the abuse of state power. In punishing applicants for crossing irregularly rather than holding states accountable for breaching human rights obligations, the Court leaves those most vulnerable at European borders at greater risk of violations from which they have fewer protections. Looking forward, pending pushback cases at Strasbourg provide an opportunity for the Court to address the increasing severity of violations inherent to pushbacks and hopefully turn back from this unsettling and deeply inadequate approach.

  1. * The Authors are Senior Legal Advisor and Legal Advisor, respectively, at the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights, which supported the litigation of pushback cases before the European Court of Human Rights, including N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, A.A. and others v. North Macedonia, and D. v. Bulgaria. The authors thank Carsten Gericke for his comments and discussion.
  2. 1 See Dembour, Marie-Bénédicte, Interception-at-sea: Illegal as Currently Practiced – Hirsi and Others v. Italy, in: Strasbourg Observers (2012).
  3. 2 This decision coincided with the announcement of the EU-Turkey deal, a key tool on which the European Council aimed to rely in order to return “all new irregular migrants” arriving on the Greek islands back to Turkey. See European Union Council: Statement of the EU Heads of State or Government, 7 March 2016.
  4. 3 European Union Council: Statement of the EU Heads of State or Government, 7 March 2016.
  5. 4 Strik, Tineke: Report on Pushback policies and practices in Council of Europe member states, in: Council of Europe (“CoE”)’s Parliamentary Assembly 2019; EU Fundamental Rights Agency: Migration: Fundamental rights issues at land borders, 2020; CoE’s Commissioner for Human Rights: Pushed beyond the limits – Four areas for urgent action to end human rights violations at Europe’s borders (Recommendation), 2022.
  6. 5 Lighthouse Reports: Europe’s black sites, 2022.
  7. 6 CoE’s Commissioner for Human Rights: Pushed beyond the limits (supra); Border Violence Monitoring Network: The black book of pushbacks, 2021.
  8. 7 CPT: Report to the Government of Greece on the visit to Greece from 28 March to 9 April 2019, 2020, p. 10; CPT: Report to the Government of Greece on the ad hoc visit to Greece from 14 to 23 April 2015, 2016, § 24.
  9. 8 CPT: Report on the visit to Croatia carried out from 10 to 14 August 2020, 2021, §§ 22, 33. In order to reduce the risk of intimidation and physical ill-treatment by police forces in the course of their operations, the CPT has developed specific standards over the years, based on their expertise and experiences, which also act as safeguards against ill-treatment. These are applicable to persons considered as apprehended in relation to an unauthorised border crossing from the moment of their apprehension. See CPT: Developments concerning CPT standards in respect of police custody, 2002, § 33. On factual increase of violent pushbacks at European borders, see European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights (“ECCHR”): Analyzing Greek pushbacks: over 20 years of concealed state policy without accountability, 2020; ECCHR: Report for the Special Rapporteur on pushback practices and their impact on the human rights of migrants at European land borders, 2021.
  10. 9 ECtHR, Judgment of 23 July 2020, M.K. and others v. Poland (Nr. 40503/17), § 166.
  11. 10 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 15 December 2016, Khlaifia and others v. Italy (Nr. 16483/12), § 52.
  12. 11 The authors avoid using the term “alien,” despite its inclusion in the text of the ECHR and frequent use in the Court’s jurisprudence, to avoid replicating its dehumanizing effect on the categorization and perception of non-nationals. On the consequences of such language, see, for example, Núñez, D. Carolina, War of the Words: Aliens, Immigrants, Citizens, and the Language of Exclusion, in: BYU Law Review (2013).
  13. 12 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 13 February 2022, N.D. and N.T. v. Spain (Nr. 8675/15 and 8697/15).
  14. 13 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 7 July 1989, Soering v. United Kingdom (Nr. 14038/88). On the significance of Soering (a German national) as the first applicant for which the European Commission accepted to extend the prohibition under article 3 ECHR to risks arising in countries to which a person is sent by a state – and thereby implement the principle of non-refoulement, see Dembour, Marie-Bénédicte: When humans become migrants: study of the European Court of Human Rights with an inter-American counterpoint, Chapter 7: The sleeping beauty awakens late: an absolute prohibition with many buts (around Soering).
  15. 14 ECtHR, Judgment of 5 February 2002, Conka v. Belgium (Nr. 51564/99).
  16. 15 Non-nationals had attempted to claim their rights under the prohibition as early as from 1973, but unsuccessfully. See for example European Commission of Human Rights, Decision of 5 February 1973, X. v Sweden (Nr. 5525/72).
  17. 16 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 23 February 2012, Hirsi Jamaa and Others v. Italy (Nr. 27765/09), §§ 70 ff.
  18. 17 Idem, § 166, reaffirming the definition laid out already in European Commission of Human Rights, Decision of 3 October 1975, Becker v. Denmark (Nr. 7011/75).
  19. 18 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 21 January 2011, M.S.S. v. Belgium and Greece (Nr. 30696/09), § 366; ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 23 March 2016, F.G. v. Sweden, (Nr. 43611/11), § 127; see also ECtHR: Guide on Immigration, 31.8.2022, § 18, referring to Hirsi Jamaa (GC), supra, § 133; ECtHR, Judgment of 11 December 2018, M.A. and Others v. Lithuania (Nr. 59793/17), §§ 108-9; ECtHR, Judgment of 20 July 2021, D. v. Bulgaria (Nr. 29447/17), §§ 120-8.
  20. 19 ECtHR, Judgmnt of 17 July 2008, N.A. v. United Kingdom (Nr. 25904/07), § 119; F.G. v. Sweden (GC), supra, § 117; Ilias and Ahmed v. Hungary (GC), supra, § 150; ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 29 April 2022, Khasanov and Rakhmanov v. Russia (Nr. 28492/15 and 49975/15), § 103.
  21. 20 F.G. (GC), supra, § 113; Ilias and Ahmed (GC), supra, § 127; Khasanov and Rakhmanov v. Russia (GC), supra, § 109.
  22. 21 Hirsi (GC), supra, §§ 202-4; M.S.S. (GC), supra, §§ 300-4; D v. Bulgaria, supra, §§ 120–137.
  23. 22 Hirsi (GC), supra, § 198; Khlaifia (GC), supra, § 279.
  24. 23 Ilias and Ahmed (GC), supra, §§ 130-4.
  25. 24 Khlaifia (GC), supra.
  26. 25 See below on ECtHR, Decision of 29 March 2022, M.A. and others v. Latvia (Nr. 25564/18); ECtHR, Judgment of 11 December 2018, M.A. and others v. Lithuania (Nr. 59793/17).
  27. 26 UNHCR: Submission in the case of N.D. and N.T. v. Spain before the ECtHR, 2015, § 3.1.5; UNHCR: Oral intervention before the ECtHR – Grand Chamber hearing in the case of N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, 2018, pp. 6–7; Riemer, Lena: The prohibition of collective expulsion in public international law, 2020, pp. 240 ff.
  28. 27 UNCAT: General Comment No. 4, 2017, on the implementation of article 3 of the Convention in the context of article 22, § 13.
  29. 28 Council of Europe: Collected Edition of the “Travaux Préparatoires” of Protocol No. 4, 1976, p. 505, § 34.
  30. 29 N.D. and N.T. (GC), supra, §§ 185 ff, which defines expulsion under article 4 protocol 4 as, “any forcible removal of an alien from a State’s territory, irrespective of the lawfulness of the person’s stay, the length of time he or she has spent in the territory, the location in which he or she was apprehended, his or her status as a migrant or an asylum seeker and his or her conduct when crossing the border.”
  31. 30 Khlaifia (GC), supra, § 250; Gericke, Carsten: Zwischen effektivem Menschenrechtsschutz und Realpolitik, in: Asylmagazin 12 / 2020, pp. 411-7; Venturi, Denise: The Grand Chamber’s ruling in Khlaifia and others v Italy: One step forward, one step back?, in: Strasbourg Observers, 2017.
  32. 31 For more detail, see Hakiki, Hanaa: The ECtHR’s Jurisprudence on the Prohibition of Collective Expulsions in Cases of Pushbacks at European Borders: A Critical Perspective, in: Schiedermair, Stephanie et al.: Theory and practice of the European Convention on Human Rights, Baden-Baden 2022. See also Günther, Johanna: Collective expulsion and the Khlaifia case: Two steps forward, one step back, in: Verfassungsblog, 2016.
  33. 32 Markard, Nora: A Hole of Unclear Dimensions: Reading N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, in: EU Migration Law Blog, 2020; Pichl, Maximilian and Schmalz, Dana: “Unlawfulness” may not mean rightless: The shocking ECtHR Grand Chamber judgment in case N.D. and N.T., in: Verfassungsblog, 2020; Thym, Daniel: A Restrictionist Revolution?, in: Verfassungsblog, 2020.
  34. 33 N.D. and N.T. (GC), supra, § 201.
  35. 34 Markard, Nora, supra; Thym, Daniel, supra; Reimer, Lena, supra; Carrera, Sergio: The Strasbourg Court Judgement N.D. and N.T. v Spain A Carte Blanche to Push Backs at EU External Borders, EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2020/21; Hruschka, Constantin: Hot returns remain contrary to the ECHR: ND & NT before the ECHR, EU Migration Law Blog, 2020.
  36. 35 Juezas y jueces para la Democracia: Comunicado de JJpD acerca de la decisión del TEDH sobre las devoluciones en caliente: Europa se blinda, 2020; ECCHR and Forensic Architecture: Pushbacks in Melilla: ND and NT v. Spain, 2020; Carrera, Sergio, supra.
  37. 36 Lübbe, Anna: The elephant in the room – Effective Guarantee of Non-Refoulement after ECtHR N.D. and N.T.?, in: Verfassungsblog, 2020: Schmalz, Dana: Gruppen, Massen, Kollektive: Perspektiven des Flüchtlingsrechts auf “Migration im Plural”, in: Kritische Justiz 53/2020.
  38. 37 Pichl, Maximilian and Schmalz, Dana, supra; Carrera, Sergio, supra.
  39. 38 Pichl, Maximilian and Schmalz, Dana, supra.
  40. 39 Asady § 7; Sinanaj, Nensi: Push backs at land borders: Asady and Others v. Slovakia and N.D and N.T v. Spain. Is the principle of non-refoulement at risk?, in: Refugee Law Initiative Blog on Refugee Law and Forced Migration, 2020.
  41. 40 Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas and Hathaway, James: Non-refoulement in a world of cooperative deterrence, in: Columbia Journal of Transnational Law, 2015.
  42. 41 Gammeltoft-Hansen and Hathaway, supra, 251–256.
  43. 42 Applicants’ access, elsewhere, to visas in order to enter a State’s territory is outside the scope of this analysis, as confirmed by the Court’s recent affirmation that visa applications from abroad, aimed to protect applicants from article 3 violations, do not fall under its jurisdiction nor the scope of the Convention as those individuals are not, as in expulsion cases, in concerned States’ territories or on their borders. M.N. and Others v Belgium, App no. 3599/18, 5 May 2020 (§ 120).
  44. 43 N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, § 209 (emphasis).
  45. 44 ECtHR, Judgment of 23 July 2020, M.K. and others v. Poland (No. 40503/17, 42902/17, and 43643/17); ECtHR, Judgment of 8 July 2021, D.A. and others v. Poland (No. 51246/17); ECtHR, Judgment of 30 June 2022, A.B. and others v. Poland (No. 42907/17); ECtHR, Judgment of 30 June 2022, A.I. and others v. Poland (No. 39028/17); ECtHR, Judgment of 13 October 2022, T.Z. and others v. Poland (No. 41764/17).
  46. 45 See, for example, Hungarian Helsinki Committee, Pushed Back at the Door: Denial of Access to Asylum in Eastern EU Member States (2017), 16–19.
  47. 46 However, it did not find it necessary to separately consider applicants’ claims that the manner of their several rejections from the Polish border itself constituted degrading treatment, see M.K. and others v. Poland, § 187.
  48. 47 See generally §§ 9–66.
  49. 48 § 131.
  50. 49 §§ 180–182.
  51. 50 § 174.
  52. 51 § 175.
  53. 52 § 176.
  54. 53 § 185.
  55. 54 §§ 198–200.
  56. 55 § 204.
  57. 56 § 201.
  58. 57 §§ 193–194.
  59. 58 § 206.
  60. 59 Ibid.
  61. 60 §§ 115, 208–209.
  62. 61 § 207.
  63. 62 D.A. and others v. Poland, § 83; AI and others v. Poland, § 56.
  64. 63 A.I. and others v. Poland, § 55.
  65. 64 Hungarian Helsinki Committee, supra, 12.
  66. 65 Shahzad v. Hungary, § 64. See also ECRE Asylum Information Database, Hungary Country Update 2020 (2021), 19–20.
  67. 66 Shahzad v. Hungary, §§ 8–9.
  68. 67 §§ 9, 15.
  69. 68 § 32.
  70. 69 § 35, citing N.D. and N.T. v. Spain at § 85.
  71. 70 Shahzad v. Hungary, § 36.
  72. 71 § 38.
  73. 72 § 49.
  74. 73 §§ 50–51.
  75. 74 § 60.
  76. 75 § 61.
  77. 76 Dana Schmalz, Rights That Are Not Illusory, in Verfassungsblog (2021).
  78. 77 § 61.
  79. 78 § 25, citing CJEU C-808/18, §§ 118.
  80. 79 §§ 25, 28, 30, 31, 64.
  81. 80 Ruben Wissing, Push Backs of “Badly Behaving” Migrants at Spanish Borders Are Not Collective Expulsions (But Might Still Be Illegal Refoulements) in Strasbourg Observers (2020).
  82. 81 ECtHR, Judgment of 22 September 2022, H.K. v. Hungary (No. 18531/17), § 12.
  83. 82 ECtHR, Decision of 5 May 2022, M.A. and others v. Latvia (No. 25564/18), §§ 11–13.
  84. 83 § 40.
  85. 84 §§ 48–56.
  86. 85 §§ 15–17, 19.
  87. 86 §§ 52–53.
  88. 87 §§ 54–56; 33, 35.
  89. 88 §§ 67–68.
  90. 89 See Gammeltoft-Hansen and Hathway, pp. 248–257.
  91. 90 For another analysis finding that the Court’s jurisprudence has not aligned with the factual reality at European borders, see Schüller, Flip and Fadi Fahad: Ten years on after Hirsi Jamaa, an overview and analysis of ECtHR case law on pushbacks, Crimmigratie & Recht (2022).
  92. 91 D. v. Bulgaria, supra. §§ 35, 128.
  93. 92 Idem, § 39.
  94. 93 Idem, §§ 16, 48.
  95. 94 Idem, §§ 49–50.
  96. 95 Idem, §§ 138–139.
  97. 96 Idem, § 118.
  98. 97 Idem, § 122.
  99. 98 Idem, § 124.
  100. 99 Idem, § 125
  101. 100 Idem, § 137.
  102. 101 Idem, §§ 95 ff.
  103. 102 Idem, § 107.
  104. 103 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 23 August 2016, J.K. and others v. Sweden (Nr. 59166/12), § 96.
  105. 104 ECtHR, Judgment of 26 January 2023, B.Y. v. Greece (Nr. 60990/14).
  106. 105 Human Rights Watch: Croatia: asylum seekers forced back to Serbia. Asylum seekers denied access to protection; subject to violence, 2017.
  107. 106 ECtHR, Judgment of 18 November 2021, M.H. and others v. Croatia (Nr. 15670/18 and 43115/18), §§ 104 ff.
  108. 107 Idem, §§ 30–31.
  109. 108 Idem, §§ 263 ff.
  110. 109 ECtHR (GC), Judgment of 13 December 2012, El-Masri v. the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, § 151.
  111. 110 M.H. v. Croatia, supra, §§ 269 ff.
  112. 111 Idem, § 294.
  113. 112 Idem, §§ 295 ff.
  114. 113 Idem, §§ 134 ff., citing ECtHR (GC), Judgement of 19 December 2017, Lopes de Souza Fernandes v. Portugal (Nr. 56080/13), § 215; ECtHR (GC), Judgement 25 June 2019, Nicolae Virgiliu Tănase v. Romania (Nr. 41720/13), § 160; ECtHR (GC), Judgement 30 November 2004, Öneryıldız v. Turkey (Nr. 48939/99), § 93.
  115. 114 M.H. v. Croatia, supra, § 136.
  116. 115 Idem, §§ 152-5.
  117. 116 Idem, §§ 156–162.
  118. 117 Idem, § 165.
  119. 118 Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe: Croatian government’s Action Plan concerning the case of M.H. and Others v. Croatia (Application No. 15670/18), 2022, §§ 12–21.
  120. 119 ECCHR: Report for the Special Rapporteur on pushback practices and their impact on the human rights of migrants at European land borders, 2021.
  121. 120 CPT: Report on the visit to Croatia carried out from 10 to 14 August 2020, 2021, §§ 25 ff.
  122. 121 EU Council: Statement of the EU Heads of State or Government, 7 March 2016.
  123. 122 ECtHR, Judgment of 5 April 2022, AA and others v. Northern Macedonia (Nr. 55798/16), § 25; Amnesty International: Greece: Thousands of Refugees and Asylum seekers Stranded at the Mercy of European Leaders, 11 March 2016.
  124. 123 Macedonian Young Lawyers Association: Third Party Intervention – A.A. and others v. f.Y.R. of Macedonia, as submitted to the Court; A.A. and others, supra, § 106.
  125. 124 A.A. and others, supra, §§ 9 ff.
  126. 125 Deutsche Welle: Idomeni refugees seek route into Macedonia, 14 March 2016; Shuster, Simon: Inside the Harrowing Night Hundreds of Refugees Tried to Escape Greece, 16 March 2016, in: Time; Tsakalidis, Konstantinos: Refugees attempt perilous Greece-Macedonia crossing, 16 March 2016, in: Al Jazeera.
  127. 126 Oxfam: Closed Borders – Programme Report on the impact of the borders closures on people on the move, with a focus on Women and Children in Serbia and Macedonia, September 2016.
  128. 127 See above, M.H. v. Croatia, supra, § 136.
  129. 128 UNHCR: Fyr Macedonia – Inter-agency Operational Update – 4–31 March 2016, 31 March 2016, p. 2, “According to the [Northern Macedonian] Ministry of Interior, 979 refugees and migrants crossed the border into fYR Macedonia during the reporting period 4–31 March 2016, with the final arrivals on 7 March early in the morning […] No new official arrivals or departures have been recorded since 8 March.”; UNHCR: Europe Refugees and Migrants Emergency Response – Daily Estimated Arrivals per Country – Flows through Western Balkans Route, 1 October 2015–22 May 2016, 22 May 2016; Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Zeid calls for alternatives to detention and expulsion of migrants, 23 September 2016; UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, Statement from his follow up country visit to Greece, 16 May 2016, “With the decision of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to close its border to Greece, more than 10,000 migrants who include older persons, families with babies and toddlers, pregnant women and persons with disabilities continue to live in squalid conditions in Idomeni […] Another 20,000 to 30,000 people are stuck in open reception facilities or in unofficial camps, such as Helliniko Airport, throughout Greek mainland.”
  130. 129 CoE’s Parliamentary Assembly: Refugees at risk in Greece, 7 June 2016, “Europe’s panicked response to the refugee and migration crisis is crushing Greece between two brutal realities: the closure by the ‘former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’ of its border with Greece and the imposition of the EU–Turkey Agreement on the Aegean islands. Greece has been left bearing a grotesquely disproportionate burden simply because of its place on the map […] The first victims are the refugees and migrants who find themselves blocked in a country that is unable to ensure even basic levels of protection, depriving tens of thousands of people of their fundamental human dignity.”
  131. 130 EU Commission: Commission Recommendation of 15.6.2016 addressed to the Hellenic Republic on the specific urgent measures to be taken by Greece in view of the resumption of transfers under Regulation (EU) No. 604/2013, 15 June 2016, p. 3, “The situation in Greece has also changed significantly following the de facto closure of the Western Balkans route, preventing third-country nationals from onward travel. As a result, approximately 57,000 irregular third-country nationals have become stranded in Greece.”; EU Commission: Remarks by Commissioner Avramopoulos during his visit to Idomeni, Greece, 15 March 2016.
  132. 131 Amnesty International: Greece: Thousands of Refugees and Asylum seekers Stranded at the Mercy of European Leaders, 11 March 2016; Amnesty International: Trapped in Greece: An Avoidable Refugee Crisis, April 2016; Oxfam: Closed Borders, supra; Médecins Sans Frontières: EU Migration Crisis Update – March 2016, 21 March 2016, “In the past weeks stricter measures have been implemented by the countries on the Balkan Route, leaving many people trapped in Idomeni and stuck in Greece. The border between Greece and FYROM is de facto close for everyone and no refugee is allowed to cross.”
  133. 132 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights for the Republic of Macedonia: The situation at the border crossings Gevgelija and Kumanovo – Period: 7.3.2016–13.3.2016, 15 March 2016, documenting that not a single certificate for expressed intent to apply for asylum was issued on 8 March 2016 nor in the following weeks, “due to the official closing of the Balkan route for the refugees.”
  134. 133 UNHCR, Daily estimated arrivals per country in Western Balkan route, 1 October 2015 to 9 August 2016, as submitted to the Court.
  135. 134 A.A. and others, supra, § 114.
  136. 135 Idem, § 117.
  137. 136 Idem, § 117; Wriedt, Vera: Expanding exceptions? AA and others v North Macedonia, systematic pushbacks and the fiction of legal pathways, 2022, in: Strasbourg Observers.
  138. 137 UNHCR: Fyr Macedonia – Inter-agency Operational Update – 4–31 March 2016, supra, p. 4, “Moreover, in spite of the fact that the Serbian Police was jointly screening people at the entry point (Gevgelija) with the fYR Macedonian Border Police, many of those admitted to fYR Macedonia were screened out at the entrance to Serbia.”
  139. 138 See above, on N.D. and N.T.
  140. 139 Amnesty International: Spain: Ceuta migrant tragedy – deplorable disregard for human life, 2015.
  141. 140 Prodein: Video, 2014.
  142. 141 Martin Plaza, Ana: Prodein denuncia en un vídeo la devolución en Melilla de un inmigrante inconsciente a Marruecos, 2014, in: RTVE; Del Barrio, Ana: La ONG Prodein denuncia que la Guardia Civil devolvió a Marruecos a un inmigrante gravemente herido, 2014, in: El Mundo.
  143. 142 ECtHR, Decision of 1 June 2021, Doumbe Nnabuchi v. Spain (Nr. 19420/15), § 29.
  144. 143 N.D. and N.T., supra.
  145. 144 Nelson Mandela was born Rolihlahla and later called Madiba. It was only upon entering school that he was named Nelson Mandela. See Mandela, Nelson: Long walk to freedom, 1995.
  146. 145 Doumbe Nnabuchi, supra, § 30.
  147. 146 Idem, § 19.
  148. 147 ECCHR: Report for the Special Rapporteur on pushback practices and their impact on the human rights of migrants at European land borders, 2021.
  149. 148 This risk is recurrent. See Alarm Phone: Subsaharan migrants in Morocco / Algeria: Raids – Displacements – Arrests, 2017: Alarm Phone Sahara (“APS”): Morocco: pushbacks of Sub-Saharan people to the border with Algeria have resumed since November 2019, 2019; APS: New wave of deportations: More than 2500 citizens from sub-Saharan countries deported from Algeria and Morocco on a large scale, 2020.
  150. 149 See also ECCHR et al.: M.A. v. Greece and 7 other applications – Joint third party intervention (ECCHR, Pro Asyl, RSA), 2022.
  151. 150 See Lighthouse Reports: Reconstructing the Melilla massacre, 2022.
  152. 151 Sánchez, Gabriel: El camerunés que denunció a España ante Estrasburgo por ser apaleado en la valla de Melilla: “Soy esa persona a la que tratasteis como a un animal”, 2021, in: El Diario.
  153. 152 ECtHR, Decision of 5 July 2022, M.B. and R.A. v. Spain (Nr. 20351/17).
  154. 153 El Confidencial: 61 inmigrantes expulsados tras encaramarse a la valla de Ceuta, 2016.
  155. 154 M.B. and R.A. v. Spain, supra, §§ 8–10.
  156. 155 Idem, § 15.
  157. 156 Idem, § 1.
  158. 157 Idem, § 16.
  159. 158 Idem, § 11.
  160. 159 Idem, § 16.
  161. 160 Idem, § 11.
  162. 161 Idem, §§ 19–20.
  163. 162 Idem, § 20.
  164. 163 Idem, § 2.
  165. 164 Idem, § 23.
  166. 165 N.D. and N.T., supra, § 58.
  167. 166 See for example, Dembour, Marie: When humans become migrants: study of the European Court of Human Rights with an inter-American counterpoint, Chapter 7: The sleeping beaty awakens late: an absolute prohibition with many buts (around Soering), I Who remembers KCL? The European Commission’s unpromising case law.
  168. 167 Polish Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights: At a Border Crossing Where Rights Are Forgotten, Polish Lawyers Stand Up for Refugees, 2017, in: Liberties, https://www.liberties.eu/en/stories/lawyers-at-the-border-help- refugees-poland/11649; Euronews, Refugees from Chechnya unsuccessfully seek refuge in Poland, 2017, https://www.euronews.com/2017/04/03/refugees-from-chechnya-unsuccessfully-seek-refuge-in-poland.
  169. 168 Pardavi, Marta: Still Waters Run Deep: The CJEU finds pushbacks in Hungary illegal, 2020, in: Verfassungsblog.